But now one almost begins to get the impression that somehow the Church is ashamed of the very beautiful treasure which we have in marriage, as God made man and woman from the beginning. LSN: Some pastors sometimes seem ashamed to speak about sin, or to speak about chastity. CB: This was brought up at the synod too. One of the synod fathers said: "Is there no more sin?
And sadly, since the fall of our first parents, there is always the temptation to sin and there is sin in the world, and we have to recognize it and call it by its proper name, and seek to overcome it. LSN: Isn't there a special call for Catholic and Christian parents to educate their children to modesty and decency?
This has completely disappeared in many places. CB: Yes, this is so true. Part of the Gospel of Life is to teach to children in the home and in the schools the fundamental virtues which show respect for our own life and the life of others, and for our own bodies, namely modesty, and purity, and chastity, and to form the young children in this way from their earliest years. But that too is in great peril, simply because the catechesis in the Church has been so weak, and in some cases confused and erroneous, and there's been such a breakdown in family life, that the children have been subjected to an education that leaves them unequipped to live the truth about marriage, and to live the truth about their own body, their own human life.
LSN: What is the most urgent thing we should be doing to avoid the disorder of divorce and of all unacceptable unions? CB: I really do believe that it begins in the family. We need to strengthen families, to form husband and wife first to live the truth of marriage in their own home, which becomes, then, not only the source of salvation for them, but also a light in the world.
A marriage lived in truth is so attractive and so beautiful that it leads to the conversion of other souls. We need to form children in this way and, especially today, children have to be raised in such a way as to be able to be counter-cultural. They can't for instance accept this gender theory which is infecting our society; they have to be raised to reject these falsehoods and to live the truth.
And Blessed Pope Paul VI made this clear in the Encyclical Letter Humanae vitae : that the practice of contraception would lead to the breakdown of family life, to the loss of respect for women. We simply need to reflect on the fact that a couple who are contracepting are no longer giving themselves totally to one another.
That introduces already an element of breakdown in the marriage and if that is not corrected and remedied it can easily lead to divorce. LSN: On the question of family size and parental liberty, is the worldwide "ecological" movement and international promoting of family planning and population control a subject of particular worry to you? CB: Yes, I'm very concerned about it because people are being led in a false way to think that they should practice some form of birth control in order to be responsible stewards of the earth.
The fact of the matter is that the birthrate in most countries is far below what it needs to be to replace the present population. Leaving all of that aside, the truth is that if God has called a couple to marriage, then He is calling them also to be generous in receiving the gift of new human life. And so we need many larger families today, and thanks be to God I see among some young couples today a remarkable generosity with regard to children. The other thing that I seldom hear mentioned today but which was always emphasized when I was growing up, and also in the tradition of the Church, is that parents should be generous in having children so that some of their children could receive the call to the priesthood or to the consecrated life and service of the Church.
And that generosity of the parents certainly will inspire, in the child who has a vocation, a generous response to it. On the other hand, Christian nations have done much to bring social stability and dignity to natural marriage in many places in the world. CB: I think that it has to be exactly underlined that Christ's teaching on marriage is an affirmation, a confirmation, of the truth about marriage from the beginning, to use His words, or that truth about marriage which is written upon every human heart.
And so the Church, when she teaches about monogamous, faithful, lifelong marriage, is teaching the natural moral law and she's right to insist on this in society in general. The Second Vatican Ecumenical Council referred to divorce as a plague in our society, and it is. The Church has to be ever stronger in opposing the widespread practice of divorce. LSN: Do you think studies on the situation and better outcomes of children in stable monogamous families should play a larger part in preparations for marriage?
CB: I think so. To emphasize the beauty of marriage as it's lived by many couples today, faithfully and generously, and family life as it is experienced by children who live in a loving family… which doesn't mean there aren't challenges. It doesn't mean that there aren't difficult times in the family and in marriage, but that with the help of God's grace, the response is always ultimately one of love, of sacrifice, of accepting whatever suffering is necessary in order to be true to love.
LSN: But modern society does not accept suffering, either at the end of life, or during pregnancy, or in marriage…. CB: Of course, it doesn't because it doesn't understand the meaning of love. Christ said: if anyone will follow me let him take up the cross and come after me, and so the essence of our life is to suffer for the sake of love: the love of God, and of our neighbor. LSN: Would you agree, as a number of people are saying, that many Catholic marriages today, through insufficient preparation or ignorance of the meaning of the marriage vows, are often invalid? What was your specific experience on this point as prefect of supreme Tribunal of the Apostolic Signatura?
Each marriage must be examined, and the fact that people may have not been well catechized and so forth certainly can weaken them for the married life, but it would not necessarily be an indication that they would give an invalid matrimonial consent, because nature itself teaches us about marriage. We saw this at the Apostolic Signatura: yes, there were more declarations of nullity of marriage but in examining those cases there were many that came forward in which the nullity of marriage was not established, was not shown to be true. CB: Not at all, because these are very complex situations, and they require a carefully articulated process in order to arrive at the truth.
If we don't care any more about the truth, then any process will be acceptable, but if we care about the truth, then it will have to be a process like the one that the Church presently employs. LSN: And the Church has done much for judicial procedures in the civilized world…. CB: The Church has been admired over the years as a mirror of justice; her own way of administering justice was a model for other jurisdictions. There has already been an experience in the Church with a modified marriage nullity process which took place in the United States from to It had disastrous effects and people began to talk about "catholic divorce", and not without reason.
This is a scandal to those who are workers of justice or ministers of justice in the secular order, because when they see that the Church doesn't practice justice, doesn't care any more about the truth, then what can law and justice possibly mean? There is no greater force against evil in the world than the love of a man and woman in marriage. After the Holy Eucharist, it has a power beyond anything that we can imagine.
LSN: How can married couples best value and protect their conjugal love? CB: First of all by a life of faithful prayer every day, and by regular confession, because we all need that help in order to overcome sin in our lives, even small sins, venial sins, but also to guard ourselves against more serious sins. And then of course the Eucharist is the center of every Christian life in a very particular way. It's the center of married life because it's communion with Our Lord Jesus Christ, for the living of that love which He has for the Church, of which marriage is the sacrament: marriage is the sign of His love in the world, and so in the Eucharist the couple receives the grace, most of all, most powerfully, to live their covenant of love.
Conventuals and Observants 3. Administrators, Courtiers and Academics 4. Surveillants of Minorities 5. Witch-Hunters Epilogue Appendices 1. Biographical register of Dominican inquisitors in northern Italy, 2. Calendar of witch-trials conducted by Dominican inquisitors, Bibliography Index of Names. University teachers and advanced students of early modern European history, as well as a wider readership interested in the religious and social history of the Renaissance and in the history of the Inquisition and the great witch-hunts.
Terms and Conditions Privacy Statement. Powered by: PubFactory. Sign in to annotate. At the outbreak of the persecution, the soldiers discovered the cavern where Blaise dwelled with animals, so they arrested him. He was tortured by beheading after a series of tortures, the most famous of which is the scariication with an iron comb for wool carding inlicted by the Roman governor Agricola in or , during the empire of Licinius.
Da Varagine , pp. See also: Liepopili , p. St Jerome is usually depicted dressed as a cardinal, beating his breast, working in his study. He is accompanied by usual attributes: a lion, a book, and a cardinal hat. On this altarpiece, St Jerome is shown with his common attributes — cardinal costume and opened book. His birthplace of Stridon, a town in the Roman province of Dalmatia, made Jerome the saint representative of the Illyrian nation.
He is especially venerated in Rome where Schiavoni confraternity dedicated him their church in Ripetta, the smaller of the two Roman luvial ports. If before the Council he was a contemplative middle-aged man in a brown habit with a stalk of lilies, a book or a star above his head or on his front, in the post- Tridentine paintings he became a more active participant Finally, St Nicholas is depicted holding a crosier in his right hand and wearing a mitre. The choice of the depicted saints was not accidental.
Today, the polyptych is on display in Dubrovnik Cultural history museum. However, this feast was not accompanied by oficial procession Ragusan community or Ragusan confraternity in Genua?
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In order to understand the visual language of the chapel in Genua, we have to compare it with other places of worship with Schiavoni patronage in Italy. Unlike other cases in this volume, the Ragusan presence in Genua was not the product of the immigration provoked by epidemics or Ottoman invasions, but was the consequence of the diplomatic and economic networking.
One of the signs of the Ragusan presence in these groups is a devotion to St Blaise. In Ancona, for example, Schiavoni founded the Confraternity of St Blaise already in the 15th century, responsible for an altar in the Dominican church. Documents published by Giuseppe Capriotti in this volume show that from , this Schiavoni altar featured an altarpiece, described in an inventory of as representing at the center the Madonna with Child, on the right St Blaise and St Mary Magdalen and on the left St Jerome and St Lucy Here, as in Genua, St Blaise is accompanied by St Jerome, the presence of the protectors of Dalmatia and Dubrovnik signaling the presence of Dubrovnik expatriates.
Capriotti noticed that Schiavoni in Ascoli worked mostly in 59 Ivi, p. Capriotti ; Capriotti forthcoming. The contract with the prior of the said church obliged him to sing a mass on the feast days of St Blaise, St Jerome, St Michael the Archangel and St Nicholas, for the ixed payment of one bolognino for each mass. In Genua, almost the same demand was written on the epitaph of the foundation of the chapel.
In Ascoli, the priest had to administer the sacraments to members of the confraternity, those alive and those who were about to die. In Genua, Dominicans had to bury Ragusan who would die in Genua, but there is no mention of sacraments: this may be a signal that no permanent community was present in the Ligurian port. Unlike other mentioned Schiavoni confraternities, the Ragusans in Genua never had the oficial association with a name, as they seem not to have immigrated permanently to the Ligurian port.
They formed a luid community of Ragusan merchants and businessmen who stayed in Genua just for few days before continuing their business in other countries. Nevertheless, Ragusans who came to Genua as merchants had a place to gather and worship their patron saints — it was their chapel in the Dominican church of Santa Maria di Castello dating from Their diplomatic representatives assured the basic spiritual service and a burial to wondering merchants of the Republic, the contract with Dominicans carved on the big epitaph situated on the lateral wall of the chapel.
Moreover, their chapel with the altarpiece of Martyrdom of their saint protector represented an important identity marker; a place that Ragusans felt as their own, but also comprehensible to the local community. Ragusan community in Genua represents some kind of luid society out of their Patria and their chapel was founded under circumstances that were different from those of immigrants organized in Schiavoni confraternities. Important patronage of Giustinani Campi, who even rose to prominence of Genovese doge between and , demonstrates the level of diplomatic exchange between two maritime republics.
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Adda, pp. Bernardini A. Bortolotti L. Marija Magdalena sa sv. Dominika u Dubrovniku, edited by V. Buglia Gianigli O. Ciardi R. Da Varagine J. Edoardo G. Giraldi C. Bocardo, C. Liepopili A. Lonza N. Lupis V. Pareto L. Ratti C. Rotondi Terminiello G. Inscription on the epitaph of the foundation of the chapel, , Genua, former Ragusan chapel, today museum of the convent of St Maria di Castello Photo A.
Ruso Fig. In fact, if on the one hand it is known that in the Early Modern period the Serenissima identiied itself with a religious and institutional representation allocated to the architectural complex of San Marco, better known as the Palazzo di Venezia; on the other, the localization of the variegated communities of Venetian subjects is less distinguishable, with many artisans and merchants settled in the ideal itinerary that led from Campo dei Fiori, Via del Pellegrino, to Borgo and then directly to San Pietro. The present contribution is focused on reorganizing the different testimonies over the centuries on the portions of cities inhabited by the citizens of the Serenissima thus tracing a possible map of their settlement, as well as on identifying the institutions and the churches connected to them.
Finally, to complete the picture of Slavic- speaking immigrants originating from the eastern coast of the Adriatic, some suggestions are proposed on the possible location of citizens of the Republic of Dubrovnik in Rome. Quindi, solo per fare un esempio, a Roma venivano considerati forestieri e genericamente veneziani i seguenti cittadini: patavini, veronesi, vicentini, bresciani, bergamaschi, ma anche friulani, istriani, dalmati.
Bonaccorso in corso di stampa a e Ciafrei in corso di stampa. Bonaccorso e ; Scarpa ; Nicolai Faustino e Giovita erano prevalentemente di provenienza bresciana ig.
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Anche per questo motivo una contenuta presenza veneta era individuabile anche nel rione Borgo7. Ancora bergamaschi erano pure i lavoratori della seta. Per studi e documenti si rimanda a Bertolotti Salvatore per veneziani bisognosi, oltre a una modesta casa adibita ad alloggio dei cardinali titolari. Bonaccorso Prima di questo momento i residenti veneziani non avevano mai gestito direttamente uno spazio sacro. Progressivamente la basilica fu assurta a luogo deputato alle cerimonie della Serenissima in onore della Repubblica, che vi esercitava il diritto di alto patronato Alla ine del Cinquecento la graduale realizzazione della nuova residenza papale sul Quirinale coincise con la corrispondente perdita di interesse per il palazzo di San Marco.
E, ancora, la presenza della famiglia Corner nella realizzazione del complesso dei Crociferi di Santa Maria in Trivio Non si possono quindi trarre delle conclusioni deinitive, ma sembra evidente come diverse chiese legate alla cultura religiosa dei domini veneti, si affacciassero verso il iume Tevere. Faustino e Giovita per i bresciani; ma anche al posizionamento nei pressi delle ripe teverine di San Crisogono patrono di Zara.
Manfredi sul palazzo Vidman alle pp. Forse sono solo sorprendenti congetture, tuttavia andrebbero veriicate. Come noto, alcune reliquie dei santi martiri istriani e dalmati furono collocate da Giovanni IV nella cappella consacrata proprio a san Venanzio nel Battistero Lateranense. Analoghe considerazioni si possono fare anche per San Crisogono ig. I Ragusei a Roma: una topograia letteraria Questa concisa panoramica sulla presenza dei sudditi veneziani va integrata con una piccola rilessione sui residenti ragusei a Roma.
Per quanto la Roma raccontata da Darsa sia in deinitiva piuttosto reale39, dalle sue descrizioni non si riesce a percepire dettagliatamente le zone residenziali romane occupate dai suoi connazionali. Tale osservazione sembra poi suffragata dalle diverse citazioni che Darsa fa delle tante osterie per i forestieri, dei pregi della cucina romana e straniera rispetto a quella ragusea, ma soprattutto di come un oste tentasse di parlare un croato stentato, e per questo motivo forse la localizzazione potrebbe coincidere con Schiavonia I due cugini sono molto vicini a San Pietro, ma il commediografo non fa riferimenti se poi giungessero nel vicino rione Parione42 o se continuassero sino a Schiavonia: tutte le ipotesi sono aperte, ma circoscritte a queste due aree cittadine.
E da qui si potrebbe ripartire in altre considerazioni seppur possibili che entrano nel campo della pura illazione se non suffragate da altre, al momento non rintracciabili, documentazioni archivistiche. Bertolotti A. Veneta di Storia Patrie. Faustino e Giovita dei Bresciani a Roma. Butters S. Csorba, Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, pp.
Casanova Uccella M. Ciafrei F. Cicconi M. Conforti C. Darsa M. Missoni, Milano: Hefti, s. Dengel I. Fontana M. I cardinali veneti a Roma e le loro chiese titolari, in Furlan, Tosini , pp. Frommel C. II: Palazzo Venezia. Furlan C. Gianfranchi B. Giannini M. Gullino G. Hermanin F. Matitti F. Micalizzi P.
Parlato E. Scarpa C. Tosini P. Area del palazzo dei Tribunali a Roma poco prima della demolizione della chiesa dei SS. Faustino e Giovita o S. Anna dei Bresciani per la realizzazione degli argini del Tevere, da D. Veneti Pont. La donazione del complesso di San Marco alla Serenissima, c. Bassorilievo rappresentante San Biagio, sec. The art-historical phenomenon of Schiavoni — early modern painters, sculptors, and architects who moved from eastern Adriatic towns to Italian artistic centers — has been the subject of extensive and pervasive mythologization during the mid-to late 19th-century processes of Croatian national awakening and corresponding art historical methods1.
In spite of subsequent critical deconstruction, re-evaluation and integration into contemporary art historical narratives and interpretations, some important corrections and demystiications by art historians are still needed to reduce the dominant mythological aura of the phenomenon, deeply rooted in the said public construct. A particularly interesting question related to Schiavoni and their artistic careers is their social integration, deinition of their artistic and personal identities, their education and subsequent networking and patronage.
Since the establishment of proto-national confraternities is contemporary with the emergence of Schiavoni artists, it is interesting to examine the role the confraternities played in the formation of these masters of design and, vice-versa, how these creative individuals participated in the visual deinition of collective proto-national identity. This lexicon, published in , was the irst compendium of Croatian and Slovenian artists that intended to establish a foundation for the construction of national cultural identity within the context of Croatian version of Risorgimento3. Girolamo, revealed information related to our Schiavone, born in the town of Cres Italian: Cherso around , on a homonymous island in Quarnero bay in the northern part of the eastern Adriatic.
He has also remarked on the conspicuous absence of our painter from these archives between years and , which might indicate a sojourn outside of Rome4. He describes it as a wooden panel depicting St Jerome in full height holding the cruciix in his hands, while in the upper part of the composition there was Madonna with Child surrounded by angels.
Although the painting is today lost, we may be able to draw some initial hypotheses on the style and the quality of the painting. This record appeared in the second edition of Vite , ive years after the execution of these works that were probably reported to Vasari by Federico himself. He claims that decoration of the ground loor rooms had been entrusted to the promising youngster from Urbino, Federico Barocci with associates Leonardo Cugni and Durante del Nero from Borgo San Sepolcro.
Vasari then leads the reader upwards, through the spiral staircase with vault painted by Florentine Santi di Tito, into the piano nobile central room decorated by Federico Zuccari himself This might not refer to the vestibule of Casina but 12 Smith , p. Author also points out to a still unknown painter mentioned by Bertolotti , p. Smith , p. Lateral ields are divided from the central scene with grotesque bands, representing Heracles and Apollo accompanied by muses. The omnipresent permeation of Christian and pagan iconography is evident in smaller ields within grotesque frieze that runs below the vault.
Above the north-western wall, there are hermits; a scene with Jonah and the whale lanked with St John the Baptist and St Jerome in the wilderness, while on the opposite wall there are the Flood, a topographical view, and a lost scene Taddeo, who seems to be the chief organizer of the project, was at the time at Caprarola, commencing the complex project of villa Farnese decoration. Moreover, she also recognizes his hand in the igure of St Paul This should not be questioned since all the participants of the project, like Federico Barocci, were quite young and still anonymous at the time or, like Santi di Tito, Tuscans in Rome temporarily.
In the meantime, Taddeo had been working at Villa Farnese in Caprarola, and, from until his premature death in , on Fasti Farnesiani at Palazzo Farnese. The decoration of the villa began in , led probably by Girolamo Muziano and Cesare Nebbia. Brooks , pp. They are in contact with cardinal Alessandro Farnese from at Caprarola and subsequently on the decoration of palazzo Farnese while Federico enters the service of patriarch Giovanni Grimani. On the other hand, Clovio seems to have had no relation to the Illyrian confraternity.
Acidini Luchinat , p. Moreover, there are circumstantial links with yet another Schiavone, Andrea Meldola. In Tivoli, Giovanni Gapei is recorded in as an associate of Cesare Nebbia, though the degree and the form of his participation are still vague. This view is probably relected in D. Catalano overview of villa decoration. II, p. Marco nella facciata dell pallazzo gia nove anni ch. Moreover, along with all of the previously mentioned works, these documents delineate an interesting artistic career. Moreover, he did some works in the palace of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese as well as the decoration of some other, unspeciied Roman churches.
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The most precise dating can be related to their probable contribution to the decoration of wooden ceiling at Santa Maria in Aracoeli ig. The whole ceiling consists of three longitudinal sections divided into rectangular ields with the central relief of Madonna, coats of arms of Gregory XIII and Pius IV, Roman communal insignia and a number of trophies and arms related to the naval battle.
The decoration 33 Lemessi , pp. The third and the fourth book of Cres Communal council with records between and are missing. However, their regesta have been transcribed by Stefano Petris at the end of the 19th century, and subsequently published by N. Such a course had probably been already indicated at Tivoli, especially when such engagement is compared with his work at Galleria of Casina of Pius IV.
Moreover, Cardinal Carlo Borromeo wrote against grotesque decoration in ecclesiastical areas in his Instructiones fabricae et suppellectilis ecclesiasticae Milan, Such a shift may already be recognized in Aracoeli ceiling, where decorative schemes were transformed from free-lowing, organic rhythm of grotesques that quote and emulate patterns of classical antiquity to geometrically organized ields transferred from an early-Christian pattern such as that at Sta Constanza, particularly emphasizing cross-like patterns as crucial elements of the grid Similar patterns have been applied to another decoration for the same commissioner, Pope Gregory XIII, whose chapel is mentioned by Cres document immediately after the Aracoeli ceiling.
It is also interesting to mention that the woodcarver F. Boulangier was commisioned with the organ case for the chapel in Simone , p. However, years of his artistic maturity coincided with the post-Tridentine shifts in trends, forms, and contents, which consequently allowed fewer possibilities to develop his visual imagery. Acidini Luchinat C. Piantoni, L. De Rossi, Monfalcone: Edizioni della Laguna, pp. Anderson P.
Smith, J. Gadeyne, Franham: Ashgate, pp. Brooks J. Paul Getty Museum. Barisi, M. Fagiolo, M. Caroselli O. Cofin D. Dal Pozzolo, L. Puppi, Milano: 24 Ore Cultura srl, pp. Friedlaender W. Ljudevita Gaja. I, Roma: P. Vitale Bommarco. Mitis S. XIV, ser.
Papoulia W. Piazzoni A. XXX, N. XIX, n. Simone G. Corrain, F. Di Teodoro, Firenze: Leo S. Olschki editore, vol. I, pp. Smith G. Taja A. Cleri, Milano: Electa, pp. Volpi C. Zamperini A. Zuccari A. Cieri Via, I. Rowland, M. Giovanni da Cherso? The essay briely outlines how this national church differed from others that predated it. Special thanks to Dr.
Sergio Armando, Prof. Niall Atkinson, Prof. Jasenka Gudelj, Rev. Ivan Kulik, Dr. Susanne Kubersky-Piredda, Rev. Athanasius McVay, Prof. Tanja Michalsky, Prof. Edward Muir, Rev. Kevin Stanley-Joyce, Dott. April Dauscha. Relying on the combination of their own Marian imagery and oversight by local architects, SS. Sergio e Bacco presents us with a rare scenario of how a small community forged its own identity while carefully navigating a complex world of church hierarchies, institutions, and cross- national politics in Early Modern Rome.
The article draws on a careful investigation of the extant primary sources found in the Roman archives and forms part of a larger doctoral dissertation. Il saggio descrive come questa chiesa nazionale differiva da altri che la precedettero. Oltre ad essere la chiesa per i ruteni, essi stessi soggetti al re polacco, il luogo serviva come sede per il procuratore dei basiliani e della Chiesa greco-cattolica rutena presso la Santa Sede.
Basandosi sulla combinazione delle proprie immagini mariane e della supervisione degli architetti locali, SS. For the study of early modern art and architecture, national churches in Rome offer us solid evidence of stable expatriate Slavic communities that also include the relatively small community of Slavic Greek-Catholics. Currently, the scholarship of national churches moved well beyond its initial focus on communities that were represented by foreign or native states in the Italian peninsula, toward a study of the nationes that were smaller or less politically and artistically inluential.
Slavic presence in Rome has now been carefully reconsidered yet much remains understudied. The church of Santi Sergio e Bacco ig. Built in the ninth century in the rione Monti ig. Sergio e Bacco had been overseen since by the order of Byzantine-Rite Basilian monks from the regions that are now part of Belarus and Ukraine. Since its foundation, the church has been redecorated and renovated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, remaining typologically always Roman in appearance igs. In hopes that the example of SS. Location s The church of SS. Sergio e Bacco ig.
Initially, as reported by Bishop Ivan Khoma, the church of S. However, at the time, the monastic owners of the church refused to give it up to the Basilian confreres. Yet only a week later 6 June , a letter from the same cardinal informs that the Archconfraternity of Gonfalone, the owner of SS. Quaranta, has refused to give up the church, and, instead, another church — San Giorgio in Velabro — is being offered to the Ruthenian use2. Cardinal Barberini mentions that the church has the relics of Saint George, and he would personally order the necessary renovations and improvements e.
It is unclear why the S. Giorgio offer did not materialize for the Ruthenians, though Cardinal Barberini did indeed inance the remodeling of that structure4, just as he would a few years later pay for the remodeling of SS. Sergio e Bacco. By the name of the church of SS. By , the church is oficially theirs, passing to Basilians from the hands of the Minims of St Francis of Paula that nevertheless retain a large presence in the area of Suburra.
The seemingly haphazard placement of the churches ig. When it comes to speciic locations of all the churches offered — S. Lorenzo in Monti, SS. Quaranta in Trastevere, S. Giorgio in Velabrum in Ripa, and inally SS. Sergio e Bacco again in Monti — all share placements in areas where there were considerable groups of immigrants, speciically those attached to Byzantine liturgical tradition. Giorgio was known as the Greek quarter of Rome. The fact that there were already established Slavic communities in Ripetta S.
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I suggest instead to seek the answer not only in the neighborhoods but in a larger devotional similarity that all the churches in the offers shared, namely, the dedications to speciic saints and the antiquity of the place and its cult. Giorgio, is important, again, precisely because the offer of the church went along with the content relics upon which the dedication was based. Although much has been written about the mobility of relics, and their importance in constructing the space, we cannot discount the fact of the immobility of cultus as anchored in a particular location, long established and grounded in the irst centuries of Christianity in the city.
Barberini was conscious of that, I suspect. Each choice offered exactly that — an ancient Early Christian site5 with relics of Early Christian martyrs — something that no Eastern Orthodox could possibly refuse. Space Throughout their history in the modern period the church and the hospice of SS. Sergio e Bacco experienced several instances when objects in either of In case of SS.
Quaranta, the church was medieval, instead of Early Christian, founded in 5 The two earliest inventories were taken on the occasions of visitations, while the others seem to have been done possibly due to some institutional changes that prompted careful listing of all the belongings. Below is the list of all known instances: — , August A visitation conducted by Fr.
Virgilio Spada6. Inventory9 by Fr. Ignazio Kulczynski, also includes inventory of the items left at the death of the Bishop of Aleppo, the Armenian Suchias Khaxavat. Jordan Mickiewicz Inventory of the items in the hospice The information contained in the inventories is of paramount importance to the history of the material culture of the parish, the day-to-day functioning of the church and its hospice, and the intellectual background of the resident clergy to name just a few areas of interest.
Moreover, the inventories prove that the extent of the liturgical life at SS. Based on the quantity of the Latin liturgical items in the church and its sacristy — objects that were also increasing in quantity over the centuries — one can conclude that the Latinization of the Ruthenian national church was a process that happened rather early on likely in the mids, i. Sergio e Bacco , and a phenomenon that was only growing in complexity over the years. What immediately stands out about this church of the Byzantine Rite is that its interior space ig. The report, that the icon of Madonna del Pascolo already in the s was placed above the high altar for the veneration of the faithful, suggests that if an iconostasis was indeed in place, it did not obscure the icon up above in the apse — hardly a Byzantine approach in icon placement.
In fact, one glaring absence in the inventories is any mention of that elusive iconostasis. The inventories of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries last one being conducted in 6 Archivio Storico della Sacra Congregazione della Propaganda Fide henceforth APF , Fondo di Vienna, vol. Sergio e Bacco, vol. In his book on SS. I would argue that this church for centuries functioned without any iconostasis. Although currently and in line with the Byzantine liturgical prescription , a large marble altar cm sq.
This exterior and, arguably, the interior ubiquity of the architecture suggests something about early modern Rome that I think has not been explored in depth. The idea that Rome at the time was rapidly refashioning itself as a center of global Catholicism is not new. Yet, the ensuing liturgical diversity did not end up in the kind of nineteenth-century eclecticism of the architectural forms, but, rather, and paradoxically, in the stylistic uniformity of the diverse liturgical spaces.
That phenomenon did not reserve itself to the conines of the city of Rome, but it spread itself across non-Latin communities in a union or only in direct contact with Rome. Marian devotion, centered on miraculous images with undeniably ancient pedigree, played a major role in this phenomenon. Images In , during a remodeling of the building of SS. Sergio e Bacco, an image of the Virgin Mary ig. Upon its discovery, it was immediately recognized as a copy of the miraculous Madonna of Zyrowice, and the locals started to call the image Madonna del Pascolo referencing the original site of the discovery of the original image.
Several sources note that the discovered was a fresco and note an inscription 14 Khoma , Illustrations. The current iconostasis reuses the royal and diaconial gates from an earlier iconostasis by Cesare Caroselli of In , it was restored by the Roman painter Lorenzo Gramiccia17, and transferred inside the church proper.
On 13 September , it was installed on the main altar of the church and the same year a copy of that image was sent back to the monastery in Zyrowice as a gift. In fact, I would consider the very existence of the Roman Madonna del Pascolo as a byproduct of an already well-organized campaign of Marian imagery on the part of the Basilian printing houses Rome, in that sense, is a source of generating a typology of images for the consumption in Eastern Europe, but also to some extent a consumer of imagery produced in Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine The question remains as to why this image, discovered at SS.
Sergio e Bacco, was assumed to be a copy of the one in Zyrowice? The answer lies in the close connection between the Roman church and the Basilian order. There was already a nearly eighty-year-long connection of the building of SS. With the icon cover removed, one can see in the upper half the remnants of the painted trees in the background of the surviving restored Madonna del Pascolo ig.
The top portion of the original background suggests that the fresco initially showed the oval image held by angels as appearing among the tree branches to the children — a reference to the original discovery of the jasper image. It is thus clear that the iconography of Madonna del Pascolo in Rome was rooted in the Madonna of Zyrowice in both its form and narrative content. Seventy-eight years passed between the time that Basilians came to the possession of SS. Sergio e Bacco, and the inding of the fresco We ind the support to that in the contemporary documents: two visitations conducted in seventeenth-century left reports on the condition and the contents of SS.
Sergio e Bacco, which was under the jurisdiction of Basilian monks. The irst visitation was conducted on 19 August by Fr.
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Virgilio Spada The report mentioned the existence of three altars dedicated to St Nicolas the largest , the Virgin Mary, and to the Blessed Josaphat Kuncewicz respectively It also mentioned an image of the Virgin Mary, painted on canvas, and hanging not far from the doors, although it is not clear which ones This is as much as was said about an image of Mary present in the church at the time.
Thou the more honorable than the cherubim, and beyond compare more glorious than the seraphim, who without corruption gavest birth to God the Word, thou the true Theotokos, we magnify thee]. Spada oversaw virtually all of the papal construction projects. The most interesting detail of the report is that it describes an image of the Virgin Mary placed on the second altar.
Moreover, the report goes on to say that this very image of Our Lady previously belonged to Patriarch Ignatius of Moscow This irst recorded26 miraculous image of the Madonna in SS.